1. Men are like sadza -- squishy and white, (but only if they are first white!)

    Men are like cheese puffs -- party food!!!!!!!!!!!

    MEN are like schoolchildren -- you can take them to school, but you cannot teach them anything new!!

    Men are like cartoons -- Itchy and Scratchy cartoons remind me of MEN.

    Men are like carbon copies -- if you read one man you've read them all!

    Men are like ear-rings -- you need one for each ear.

    Jennifer
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  2. You know, I do get weary with the constant reminders that Westerners are given (to boost their state of arrogant aloofness through a model of faux humility) that they are better than the Colonials, albeit remaining evil, still, in their leaders' opportunism. Some Americans, Brits and Australians have swimming pools and workslaves too. Oh yeah, and other perks. But never mind. Let us narrow our vision and put on our moralising hats:


    The international community looked the other way, still pleased that Mugabe had urged reconciliation with the whites who had oppressed his people,
    allowing former Rhodesian ruler Ian Smith to draw a government pension and
    whites to continue living privileged lifestyles with domestic workers in
    mansions with pools and tennis courts.



    Of all the people I knew in Zimbabwe, only one had a rundown private tennis court. When the black Zimbabweans became elites, they, too, received some of the perks of bourgeois society. (ie. they also got swimming pools and black servants.) Go figure. The world, apparently wasn't fair back then -- but how fair is it now, especially in Zimbabwe?

    If the International Herald Tribune disagrees with bourgeois values and their inherent unfairness, it should just come out and say so. But passing the buck and making out that such tendencies towards inequality were merely "colonial" or related to Western racist proclivities is disingenous and inappropriate at this time of actual crisis in Zimbabwe.

     Zimbabwe's situation needs a rational, clear and focused viewpoint from our newspapers, not vulgar self-deception
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  3. Key aspects of Marechera’s writing

    1. employs a mix of high and low culturally and conceptually; the concrete and the high Modernist Abstract, the local Zimbabwean lingo with the images and ideas of classical Western culture (eg. ancient Greek philosophy and literature)

    2a Uses a mode akin to shamanism – an approach based on the employment of images to ‘read” a society, rather than directly using concepts as such.

    2b. Uses ideas that appear to offer themselves up synchronistically (Jung) in conjunction with spontaneously encountered local images, to produce a penetrating political reading, as if in terms of a dynamically inspired dreamscape / nightmare scape.

    3a. The political nature of his writing, which reorganises and reappraises our societal perspectives, supplying the basis for a new gestalt.

    3b The revaluation of values (Nietzsche) as the intended outcome of his writing.
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  4. It seems to me that when Lacan speaks of the idea that we are "castrated" and thus are introduced into language by virtue of a "lack" he is not really talking so much about language itself but about metaphysics. When we lose touch with the self-sufficiency of Nature, we enter a realm governed by the intellect, which organises the world on the basis of abstract reason along with the postulation of notions of "essences", which are not to be found with the bare eyes, looking empirically for them, in Nature.

    What my old Zim school friends seem to lack, apparently, is lack. It seems to me that they do not wander in the corridors of metaphysics at all. The degree of lack in their lives has been so slight, that recourse to the intellect as a way of coming to terms with life has hardly been necessary for them. Their orientation towards the world still remains relatively natural, if not indeed to the degree of being "one" with Nature. Their degree of closeness to the idea and sensations of consolation by Nature is greater than mine.

    Unlike many of my old school friends, I have two selves -- one behind the wall of possibility now. The old self is very much undifferentiated from nature, at least in terms of my own subjectivity. My old self expected to move through life without much need to contend for anything. The fluidity of such a self, that would move through society as it moved through a rain forest is gone now. My later self, a much more intellectual and capable self, is free of the naivety that had expected social fluidity. Yet the "lack" (as per Lacan) that is acquired through a loss of unity with nature is ultimately stored up as an excess of unutilised and disconnected possiblities (including the possiblities of meaning something -- an aspect of (unpredictable) resourcefulness stored up within a subjectivity that is necessarily unfinished). The self that is separated from nature is therefore more dynamic than the self that is relatively more attached to it.

    I am capable of being both selves -- but, not at the same time. Odd as it is, I revert to the former (less dynamic sense of self) when my old school friends recognise me as the former. Little do they know but this is NOT a Western way of being.
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  5. The reason I could relate so well to the anxieties of people suffering in Zimbabwe is because my early adult life was measured in terms of an extreme angst. It lay underneath everything I did that had to be performed for public consumption. I was okay performing for my own consumption and enjoyment, however, and so turned my attentions to that. But doing something for public consumption meant trying to appeal to people who had rejected me for being a white Zimbabwean. Additionally, relating in a very soft and intimate was was not my desire, nor even a possibility, since I had learned to toughen up due to my father's hatred of me as a female adult. So there were a few things I could do, but felt uneasy about doing (performing for the public) and a few things I couldn't do, because the anxiety went too deep (being vulnerable to those whose mode of operation was too soft or weak). Such is life, and how it molds our characters.
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  6. http://www.sokwanele.com/map/electionviolence
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  7. Yeah, it is an interesting issue, for sure: Is feminist epistemology (the aspect of feminism I am interested in) to be concerned with mens’s issues, or just with those of women? Can it, on a practical level, ever be concerned with how men experience the world? I think that there are two different issues here. One is the issue of feminist epistemology and how that has to function if it is to have any meaning. The other is a moral issue about how we treat other people. They are not the same things at all — or ought not to be (although I understand that the nastier seeming feminists may tend to conflate the two).

    Feminist epistemology has to be concerned with how women experience the world. If, for instance, I am deemed irrational when I try to get social help for a very antagonising situation, then it probably doesn’t help me to go looking for how men are treated as irrational — at least not in the first instance. The reason that I would not look to humanity in general is that there are already signs that the issue is a female issue. The signs presented to me may include such things as: My abuser determined, upon my reaching puberty, that I had become irrational, and that I had come to represent to him the realm of FEELINGS (but not the realm of logic, reason, or of ethical human relations). The realm of feelings is considered in the academic literature to be a definitively FEMININE realm. // 2. My abuser was highly irrational in his thought processes — for instance, he thought that reading a philosophy book in a room in which I had not opened the curtains fully was a sign that I was communing with Satan. He got an elder from his Church in, to check me out. He also chased me out of the house in one instance for refusing to discuss his state of sexual arousal with him, whilst he was watching Basic Instinct. In chasing me out of the house (after I politely refused to continue his line of conversation), he accused me of “being afraid of everything” (not true). //3. When I mentioned my father’s behaviour to others, including what he had said to me, others acted towards me as if I were the irrational one. This said something to me about patiarchy and how the authority of fathers is based upon the political and cognitive divide between public and private realms. Nobody would touch this situation because my father was deemed to be acting rationally within the preserves of patriarchy. //4. Other signs that I was dealing with an issue of patriarchal power and values were that I have never been successful in raising this issue (whilst being even partially understood) in an other than feminist forum. So the signs are that I have interpreted the power dynamics correctly, in terms of general feminist critiques regarding patriarchal power.

    If I had gone to look for my answers in terms of the suffering of men in general, I would have found what I did actually find — that men in general simply cannot relate to a situation of someone being deemed irrational because they are being bullied in the home. Some men might relate peripherally to the situation of being deemed irrational when complaining about bullying at work. (There is also a power dynamic here, of dominance and submission.) However, I was deemed irrational by my father upon puberty — and it was at that point that the bullying started and has continued ever since. Also, those in particular who deem themselves really good and proper citizens are the least likely to understand what I have told them. Their inability to attend with any seriousness to the examples I give them indicates to me that what I have to say is not understandable by “people in general”. However, feminists do understand it.
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  8. It's one thing to teach children how to conform to what society expects of them. This requirement to conform is represented as necessarily painful, although ultimately productive, in Lacan's notion of castration. It is by this means that children leave the realm of Nature and enter into the realm of the Civilised social order.

    How does Marechera's views on teaching the children differ from this process outlined above? Clearly there is a great deal in terms of children's "natures" that Marechera has no wish to refine, correct and adjust to the social order. In fact, his mode of writing to children is a form of teasing their minds and emotions, in a way that invites these young minds to reach out and explore their local environments for themselves. Marechera's writing to children invites them to doubt the veracity and integrity of the adults and their worlds, and to adopt and independent and adventurous mode of being, perhaps with also using literature as an emotional window on the world.

    How could a Zimbabwean child, who would almost certainly live much closer to animals and to nature than many a Western child would have the opportunity to do, be anything other than amused at a story which spoke of a cat sneezing, startling the mice, with the consequence that the cat's whiskers shrunk in shame? ( p 220, Scrapiron Blues). The subtle injuction attending this segment from the Marecheran short story on "The Magic Cat" night be not to believe everything you hear. This tone of mocking hilarity also accompanies the following segment, which would be read differently by Zimbabwean adults than Zimbabwean children (although the children, too, would one day put two and two together about idealised and genteel world of the magic cat:

    My Cat asked the soldier"Where is Heroes' Acre?"The Soldier smiled and pointedMy cat loves the Eternal Flame.
    The soldiers at Heroes' Acre are notoriously taciturn. It would be hard to imagine them smiling and pointing, then, even for the pleasure of something as innocuous as a magic cat. And it is, notably, the author's cat -- rather than the author himself -- who "loves the Eternal Flame". The author's subtle snubbing of the state socialist regime is readily apparent in this children's short story he wrote in the early 80s. Already a few years after national liberation, it was apparent to the author that there were autocratic aspects to the regime -- including keeping him in Zimbabwe when he wanted to leave. His own experiential knowledge of a hidden, and politically repressed reality, is conveyed through the foil of his cat.

    There is present in this a peculiarly Zimbabwean flavour of humour, however. To take note of, and to surreptitiously remark upon the discrepancies one sees between lived reality and the officially contrived versions thereof, has traditionally been a mode of political and social commentary in Zimbabwe for a very long time.

    Marechera's children's writing, which invites children to see the discrepancies between reality and purported reality, is therefore profoundly culturally Zimbabwean.
    In Fuzzy Goo's Guide (to the Earth), Marechera goes even further in his endeavours to safeguard children from the devices of "civilisation" employed by adults. He encourages them to doubt and fear a range of adult authorities -- including the police, ambulance men who "rape you (girl or boy) if you are unconscious", and the powerful members of the political inner circle known locally as the "chefs". To instil an emotional tendency towards doubting one's authorities is arguably a way of protecting the young from ideological subsumption into the political roles and models formed by their elders. Such protection is particularly pertinent in a society which is violent and/or exploitative. One must put a wedge between the adult world and the children's world, in order to preserve the children by making them adopt a mode which is constructively "paranoid". (see Isabel Menzies Lyth on “Constructive Paranoia”.) This mode of seeing is also related to the facility of the strong mind which – aware of its anxiety -- overcomes a human tendency to revert to primitive psychological defences [as described by Menzies Lyth] in the face of overwhelming anxiety. “Paranoid means seeing all the things which big humans have been taught not to see." ( p 241)
    Marechera draws very much from his own experiences in his education of the children. His teachings, being experiential, invoke shamanistic wisdom -- they are not abstract teachings, or those based upon transcendental principles. Rather, the teachings furnish the emotional and cognitive basis for living in an objectively dangerous world.
    You know what I said about big people! They have a torture machine called drought which they bang on the heads of the little people: they say there is no food. Drought means no food for the little citizens. All the big chefs will be eating silly -- but not for you. Especially if you are sick. ( p 243)
    Marechera's advice to children, as I have said, is to be independent as much as possible, and to seek to experience the world on their own terms, on pain of death:
    So when you know you are growing up you must kill yourself before you become just another very boring blah. If you are a coward, then you must smoke ganga or get mean and drunk every day and night. It is usually better to run away from home. All you need is a rucksack and a small tent. If you stay in society and the big ones want to beat up the other society next door they will put you into the army and you will get your small finger and private parts blown up with bombs. It is very painful. If you stay in society, the big ones will make you stand in line in the streets and wave stupid flags and sing horrible national songs, and be kissed by the thick drunken lips of the biggest of the big human beings. They won't let you pee when you want to but when they want you to. ( p 241)
    The writer's message to children is clear: If you do not want your lives totally controlled all the way down to every microscopic detail -- including when you can pee -- and if you want to escape the fate of beinG reduced to both the ordinary and more extreme forms of misery that are the lot of adult human beings, you must take extreme action up to and including running away from home.
    From Dambudzo Marechera's point of view, the greatest danger that can come to children is that presented by adults and by their ideals of "civilisation".
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  9. "If Dambudzo Marechera came to Australia today, how would he react?"


    He would probably see the Aboriginals and migrants in detention centres as heroic, and would see that these had the true kernels of life to offer to the otherwise bland milieu of common Australian society. He would probably also draw the analogy -- as he took images and made them into criticisms with a deeper meaning -- that Australian society was a vast cultural desert.
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  10. Politicide Warning: Zimbabwe

    19 June 2008

    Zimbabwe’s run-off Presidential election on 27 June will take place in an atmosphere of terror. ZANU-PF militias, the Zimbabwe army and police, and ZANU-PF mobs have pushed Zimbabwe to Stage 6, the Preparation stage immediately preceding political mass murder.

    Families of Zimbabwe’s opposition leaders are being targeted for brutal execution. The mutilated body of Abigail Chitoro, wife of the Mayor-elect of Harare, was found on Tuesday. Mr. Chitoro said, “The body was butchered. They had used heavy objects to crush the head. She still had the blindfold that my kid said they put on her head when they took them away.”

    In the last week there have been three reports of local MDC officials who fled their homes from marauding Zanu PF mobs and who had their homes burnt down. In each case their wives were put to death, two burnt alive, the other battered to death. Four other MDC leaders were also murdered this week, bringing the total of political assassinations to over one hundred in the last two months. Hundreds of other MDC supporters have been beaten and tortured. Murder and torture victims have had their ears, lips, and sexual organs cut off.

    Mutilation of bodies is one of the surest signs of the de-humanizing of targeted groups during genocide and politicide (political mass murder.) ZANU-PF’s hate speech, torture, and murder have terrorized Zimbabwe since the Movement for Democratic Change defeated Mugabe and the ZANU-PF in March’s elections. Now ZANU-PF has stepped up its violence to openly kill leaders of the MDC and their families. Such acts are prelude to every politicide or genocide.

    A sign of the gravity of the danger is the phenomenon of “mirroring,” a strange but common psychological mechanism of denial used by mass murderers. ZANU-PF spokesmen accuse their victims of being traitors or terrorists, when in fact ZANU-PF is the real perpetrator of atrocities. Mirroring is a predictor of intent to commit crimes against a targeted group.

    The terror campaign is being directed by Air Marshall Perence Shiri, who was commander of the infamous North Korean trained Fifth Brigade, which carried out Mugabe’s genocide against the Matabele in 1983-84. Working with him is General Constantine Chiwanga, Commander of the Zimbabwe Army, and Sidney Sekeramayi, Minister of Defense, both of whom were senior officers directly involved in the 1983-84 genocide.

    The military has taken effective control of Zimbabwe. With military support, gangs of ZANU-PF marauders sweep through villages at night, killing, torturing and raping MDC supporters. The Mugabe regime's order to NGO and UN relief groups to stop distributing food to Zimbabwe's starving people is a sign of complete contempt for human life.

    President Mugabe’s open declaration that his followers would go to war rather than accept defeat in the election is a sign of the high probability that Zimbabwe is headed for a bloodbath.

    1. Genocide Watch calls on Tanzania, the Chair of the African Union, to inform President Mugabe that if the election is followed by mass killing, African Union troops will intervene to stop it.

    2. Genocide Watch calls on the United Nations Security Council to demand that Zimbabwe immediately restore direct food distribution to people in Zimbabwe by NGO and UN relief organizations.

    3. Genocide Watch also calls on the United Nations Security Council to refer the situation in Zimbabwe to the International Criminal Court, so that those perpetrating the crimes against humanity there, including Mugabe himself, will be brought to justice.
    http://www.genocidewatch.org/
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